Browsing by Research Output - Subject ""等" 構式"

目前學界對於南方方言中普遍使用的持拿義與事標記(“把”“拿”“撥”“俾”等)和獲得義與事標記("得")的來源仍有爭議.根據前人提出的雙及物結構的演變規律,這兩類與事標記是方言中通用給予義雙及物結構的主要動詞和與事標記結合的複合詞省略與事標記的結果,不能等同於給予動詞的語法化.根據共時和歷時的方言語料,早期南方方言(非閩語)表達通用給予事件時,雙及物結構的主要動詞可構擬為持拿義動詞或獲得義動詞.漢語方言中用做與事標記的“等”應該是"得"陽聲化的結果.本文的討論希望能深化對漢語方言與事標記的類型,以及對漢語方言給予事件的編碼策略的認識.
There is still controversy over the origin of some commonly used dative markers in southern Chinese dialects i. e. datives with the meaning of HOLD/TAKE (ba, na, bo, bei, etc.) and GET (de). According to the evolution rule of the ditransitive constructions proposed by scholars, these dative markers result from the omission of the dative markers in the compounding of the main verb of ditransitive constructions with the meaning of nor purpose of GIVE and a dative marker in the same dialect, which is not the grammaticalization of verbs with the meaning of GIVE. Based on synchronic and diachronic dialect data, when a ditransitive construction is used to express an event of non-purpose of GIVE, the main verb in the construction can be reconstructed into a verb with the meaning of HOLD/TAKE or GET in early southern dialects (non-Min dialect). The dative marker deng used in Chinese dialects is possibly nasalized from de. It is hoped that this discussion will deepen our perception on the classification of datives and encoding strategy of events of GIVE in Chinese dialects.